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‘Unspeakable’: Why did dozens of protesters burst into a Paris hospital during May 1st demonstrations?

Paris saw a repeat of last year's May 1st violence on Wednesday as thousands of protesters took to the streets. But one of the strangest incident was when dozens of demonstrators burst into a hospital. So, what was going on?

'Unspeakable': Why did dozens of protesters burst into a Paris hospital during May 1st demonstrations?
Photos: AFP
On the sidelines of the Labour Day protests in the French capital shortly after 4pm dozens of protesters stormed into the hospital of La Pitié-Salpêtrière in the 13th arrondissement.
 
“When I arrived, the gate had been forced, the chain had given way, and dozens of people were entering the hospital compound,” hospital director Marie-Anne Ruder told France Inter. 
 
Among the “intruders”, there were yellow vests and individuals with concealed faces, she said, adding that she called the police because of their “violent and threatening actions”.
 
The police arrived after “ten minutes” and removed the intruders, Ruder said. 
 
The director of Assistance Publique – Hopitaux de Paris (AP HP), the university hospital trust operating in the Paris area, Martin Hirsch told BFM TV that dozens of people “rushed up a staircase, crossing over a bridge to the surgical resuscitation unit”, which cares for “particularly vulnerable patients”. 
 
 
Hirsch added that in the video surveillance images there are “nurses, a junior doctor (…) who were holding the door with all the force they could, shouting: be careful, there are patients here!”.
 
An investigation has been opened into the incident and about 30 people have been placed in custody, according to the Paris prosecutor's office.
 
Naturally the event has sparked a big reaction from France's politicians. 
 
Interior Minister Christophe Castaner described it as an “attack by dozens of ultra-leftist anti-capitalist 'Black Bloc' activists” while France's Health Minister Agnès Buzyn said it was “unspeakable to attack a hospital”.
 
However it remains unclear whether the intrusion was an attack, whether the protesters were actually trying to escape the police or whether they were on the hunt for a riot police officer who had been hospitalised there after being wounded during the demonstrations.
 
“I do not know the reasons for this inexplicable intrusion,” said the director of the university hospital trust, Hirsch. “I do not think it has anything to do with the hospitalisation of the CRS officer – I did not see them screaming for a particular wounded person.
 
“I do not know if it was a hospital invasion or if they were fleeing something.
 
 
“There was no damage, thanks to the coolness of the team that held the door, and thanks to the police who intervened quickly,” he added. 
 
On the day itself there were several videos being shared on social media showing women, men, both with and without yellow vests, displaying no visible signs of aggression, taking refuge in the grounds of the hospital close to the entrance of a building to escape the tear gas used by the police.
 
However at the time of writing it isn't clear whether the people using the hospital as shelter are the same ones who burst through its doors. 
 
This isn't the first incident of its kind to take place in the French capital – back in 2016 mass demonstrations against labour reforms saw rioters vandalise the renowned Necker children's hospital in Paris.
 
Overview of the day's events
 
Although the protests did involve some violence, particularly a the beginning, they were far less disruptive than police had feared. 
 
Riot police fired teargas as they squared off against hardline demonstrators among the tens of thousands of protesters, who flooded parts of the city in a test for France's zero-tolerance policy on street violence. 
   
Tensions were palpable as a mix of labour unionists, “yellow vest” demonstrators and anti-capitalists gathered in the French capital, putting security forces on high alert. 
   
More than 7,400 police were out on the streets with orders from President Emmanuel Macron to take an “extremely firm stance” if faced with violence.
   
The clashes kicked off as crowds gathered on Montparnasse Boulevard, with hundreds of black-clad anarchists weaving their way to the front as thousands 
of unionists and yellow vests were quietly munching their lunch in the sun.
 
Photo: AFP
 
Suddenly they pounced, hurling bottles and chunks of broken paving stones at the security forces, shouting: “Everyone hates the police!”.
 
But the initial violence and the sporadic clashes that followed fell short of the “apocalypse” threatened by hardliners, with the security forces heading off some of the excesses seen in recent months. 
   
Authorities had warned this year's marches would likely spell trouble, coming barely a week after leaders of the yellow vest anti-government movement angrily dismissed Macron's offer of tax cuts.
   
Some 40,000 people turned out for the May Day rallies in Paris, an independent media count estimated, while unions gave a figure of 80,000 and the interior ministry put the number at 28,000. 
 
Photo: AFP
   
Ministry figures for the whole country gave a turnout of 164,000 people, while France's powerful CGT union gave a figure of 310,000 at events in some 250 towns and cities. 
   
After the initial scuffles, a sense of relative calm returned as the main procession got under way. 
   
But things degenerated again towards the end as the marchers reached Place d'Italie where black-clad agitators tried to knock down anti-riot barriers, prompting running battles with the police as the skies quickly filled with tear gas. 
   
In the surrounding streets, some torched dustbins, while others pried the protective chipboard coverings from shop fronts and set them alight, sending black smoke pouring into the air. 
 
The sudden violence caught many marchers by surprise, with union members who were caught in the crossfire infuriated by what they claimed was an indiscriminate police crackdown. 
   
Caught up in the melee was top CGT official Philippe Martinez who had been waiting at the head of the march where the clashes took place. 
   
Forced to leave the area, he later returned, visibly agitated, with sharp words of criticism for the police whom he accused of attacking “clearly-identifiable union members”. 
 
However the police defended themselves, saying it was the 'Black Bloc' who were responsible for the violence. 
 
“Contrary to the assertions of the general secretary of the CGT (Philippe Martinez), the many videos, taken from various angles, demonstrate the infiltration of 'Black Bloc' members right where Mr.Martinez was,” said police union Atternative on Thursday morning.

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Is France’s ‘yellow vest’ movement really on its way back?

Nearly two years since 'yellow-vest' protesters flooded the streets, the signature gilets jaunes have become a rare sight in France. With a comeback announced on September 12th, what is left of the movement that shook France?

Is France's 'yellow vest' movement really on its way back?
Yellow vest protests in Paris in 2019. Photo: AFP

When Priscillia Ludosky put on a yellow vest for the first time and headed out to the Champs Elysées to protest, she had no idea that nearly 300,000 people would do the same.

It was November 17th, 2018, the first 'yellow vest' protest in the capital and the birth of a mass-movement so large that its vows to overthrow French President Emmanuel Macron’s government seemed, for a moment, credible. 

Nearly two years later, Macron is still president – and aiming for reelection – while the ‘yellow vest’ movement has all but disappeared from the public eye.

“It’s been a long time since I wore the yellow vest,” Priscillia Ludosky, founder and leading figure of the movement, told The Local.

She had not left the movement, but said she was less active than she had been.

“I'm less on-the-ground than I used to. The pandemic put the brakes on most things,” she said.

Despite France's rising coronavirus rates, the 'yellow vests' have declared a comeback protest on September 12th, promising to “never give up”.

 

But with the protests before lockdown gathering only a fraction of the numbers they once rallied, how much is there really left of the 'yellow vests'?

“The movement is much smaller, much less active, and much more divided than it was at the outset,” historian Sylvain Boulouque told The Local.

Boulouque has followed the movement from the beginning and has written the book Mensonges en gilet jaune (Lies in yellow vests), about the role social media and fake news played in fuelling the 'yellow vests' anger.

When the ‘yellow vests’ first spiralled into a national mass-movement, their rallying cry “Macron demission !” (Macron resign) was the one ringing the loudest, and it was also one of the few demands that all of the ‘yellow vests’ could unite behind.

“The movement spans all the way from the extreme-left to the extreme-right. There is no unity on the fundamental political questions,” Boulouque said.

The more time passed, the more the movement's internal divisions became clear. Today, Boulouque said, there was “a little bit of everything” left, and just keeping track of the movement had become a challenge.

“It’s so local that the demographic changes from town to town and week to week,” he said.

Among the extreme right-wing were a number of conspiracy theory believers, he said, including anti-mask activists who opposed the French government's new rules on masks.

Pro- and anti-masks was just the newest fault line dividing the 'yellow vests', Boulouque said.

“The pandemic will split them rather than reunite them,” he said.

‘Covid proved our points’

Seizing on the pandemic to re-mobilise the masses is what the still-active 'yellow vests' hope to do on September 12th.

Leading 'yellow vest' figure Jérôme Rodrigues. Photo: AFP

Jérôme Rodrigues, another ‘yellow vest’ leading figure, told Slate that the pandemic was their “best ally”.

“Covid proved our points about the degrading of the health system and the limits of the capitalist system,” Rodrigues said.

When the French government imposed a nationwide, strict lockdown in March, it was to save the hospitals in hard-hit areas such as Paris from the mounting pressure of a rapidly increasing patient flow. 

The lockdown, which lasted over two months, had a crippling impact on the economy and saw the government spend billions on emergency help schemes to prevent chain bankruptcies and mass layoffs. 

Despite the government's efforts to kickstart the economy, France’s unemployment rate is set to increase by 10 percent by the end of the year. Young people will be the worst affected, according to France’s national institute for statistics, Insee. Rodrigues predicted that the looming downturn would reaffirm people's faith in the 'yellow vest' movement.

“With the coming crisis, people who were doing well financially and who have never had a hard time are going to fall flat on their faces,” Rodrigues said.

'Yellow vest' leading figure Priscillia Ludosky has been participating in protests against police violence and in support of France's hospital sector the past months. Photo: AFP

'Sensationalist media'

Rodrigues became a symbol of the ‘yellow vests’ after he was hit in the eye by what he claimed to be an LBD rubber bullet fired by police (the police refute his accusation, but the authority overseeing the police has launched an investigation into the matter). 

Blinded in one eye, Rodrigues incorporated one of the most jarring features of the protests: their increasingly violent character. The recurring scenes of violence that dominated the protests contributed to the ‘yellow vests’ hogging headlines for months – not just in France, but across the world. 

Images of burning cars, police armed with rubber-bullet guns, violent fist-fights and black-clad protesters smashing ATMs with baseball bats shocked the world. 

But the violence also dominated the media coverage of the protests, which meant what the protesters were saying got less attention.

READ ALSO How the 'yellow vests' made France have a national conversation about police violence

To Ludosky, this was a big problem.

“The media won’t cover anything unless it’s sensationalist,” she said. 

Ludosky authored the online petition that became the catalyst for the ‘yellow vest’ protests. In it, she wrote that the government’s proposed carbon tax was both falsely branded a green policy and was harmful to the many people who depended on their cars to get around every day.

The document went viral and gathered more than one million signatures, and the fluorescent yellow vest that all vehicles in France must be equipped with became the symbol of the masses revolting against the elites.

Ludosky said her main point was lost in the coverage. She was not an angry car-enthusiast defending her right to drive, she was saying that the tax was unfair and would impact the most on the poorest.

“The longer we protested, the more they tried to tell everyone that we don't know what we want. That we were only out there to break things,” she said.

The early days of the movement saw hundreds of 'roundabout protests' in the French provinces. Photo: AFP

'They are there'

The violence also discouraged many of the 'yellow vests' who had little experience with protesting and were shocked by the use of force on both sides.

Danielle Tartakowsky, a professor at the Paris 8 University who specialises in social movements in contemporary France, said it was important to distinguish between the ‘yellow vest’ who still turned up to protests in Paris – often young, keen and ready to go head to head with police – and the ‘yellow vests’ mobilising in less urban areas.

“In the countryside the ‘yellow vest’ movement is the same as it was at the outset,” she said.

In her new book, On est là ! (We’re here), a main ‘yellow vest’ rallying cry, she concludes just that; the movement had changed, but the ‘yellow vests’ were still present.

“That does not mean that they are ready to rally in the same ways, but it would be dangerous and delusional to say that they have disappeared,” she said.

Tartakowsky said that, while the 'yellow vests' successes could seem limited from the outside, they had pushed through important change indirectly by showing that it was possible to force through change.

“Even if they did not win on all points they showed that it was possible to win something, to make the government backpedal,” she said, referring to the carbon tax.

The camp

When the protests started, the roundabout became the main stage for the protesters who did not travel to Paris to make their discontent heard and seen in the capital. 

From June 2019 until March 2020, just before the pandemic hit with full force, Séverine spent most of her free time on a local roundabout where she and some 30 other ‘yellow vests’ had set up a camp.

A teacher in Amiens, a city a couple of hours north of Paris, Séverine was an early believer that the ‘yellow vests’ would be the movement that finally could radically change a system she saw as unjust, undemocratic and unsustainable.

“I passed all my evenings, all my weekends at the camp,” she said.

The camp was a microcosm of the world they hoped to create.

“We cooked together, discussed, we really had some great moments there together,” she said.

They were all kinds of people at the camp; a waiter, a metro driver, a nursery teacher, a few retirees. An Indian student who just needed somewhere to crash for free. 

“It was a very open environment,” Séverine said.

But the problems soon surfaced. The camp, like the movement, swore to a leaderless management style where no one had a final say.

“It was a mess. Obviously, we didn’t manage to make any decisions,” Séverine said.

Violence at protests became a major problem. Photo: AFP

'People are exhausted'

They split themselves into two groups. Oddly enough, the division had little to do with politics.

“It was not about left or right. We actually agreed on the fundamental issues. It was more about strong personalities and people simply not getting along,” she said.

The atmosphere soured. They argued more, discussed less. They went from 30, to 20, to about 10. Then, after the local election in March, just before the pandemic made social distancing the norm, the mayor told them to clear the camp. 

Critics have long said the ‘yellow vests’ lack of leadership was their major, perhaps the decisive, default. How could they push for change when they had no idea what they wanted?

Despite having become so disillusioned with the movement that she no longer knew if she wanted to call herself a ‘yellow vest’ at all, Séverine was not sure this was their main problem. 

“Demonstrating every weekend is tiring. It requires a significant commitment. I think people are exhausted,” she said.

'I was fed up'

In the months that followed the movement’s heyday in early 2019, the protests followed the same pattern as Séverine's camp.

They were increasingly sparse in numbers and the atmosphere increasingly tense and bitter.

“You're walking in a state of complete stress, afraid that someone is aiming at you. You don't hear the messages anymore,” Séverine said.

Five people have lost a hand in the protests. Twenty-five were blinded in an eye. According to government numbers, 2,500 protesters were hurt in the protests by the end of 2019, along with 1,800 police officers.

“No one could imagine that a movement could last this long without losing momentum,” Ludosky said.

“Keeping on going cost a lot to the people who got involved. It's money, time, people lost limbs, couples separated.”

READ ALSO ANALYSIS: French police are not all thugs – they are being placed in an impossible situation

Like many others, she was put off by the violence. In the end, she left her yellow vest in her car.

“I was fed up,” she said. “Every time I wore it I worried about the police controlling me.”

She was not sure if she still believed in the movement.

“It’s complicated. The presidential elections are coming up soon, crying out for Macron’s resignation doesn’t make sense anymore.”

“But the 12th will be the moment to go out on the streets. Not necessarily in Paris, but we need to show something.”

 

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